Who takes care of the children when their mothers are working?

Is it possible to combine work and family obligations without compromising either? Childcare is an essential factor in the equation. Research by economists Mathieu Lefebvre, Laurène Thil, and Laté A. Lawson reveals how childcare practices vary from country to country, and depend on the mother's socio-economic status.

Emmanuel Macron announced a series of pro-birth measures in January 2024, designed to implement the “demographic rearmament” of France. Setting political rhetoric aside, it is important to give some consideration to the question of responsibility for the care of these additional children.

France’s efforts towards demographic rebalancing run in opposition to the country’s wish to establish gender equality. As women generally carry most of the burden of raising children, adding to their parenting responsibilities can be detrimental to women’s professional advancement.

Faced with this reality, women's options for reconciling work and family life are crucial. Careers can be held back by long-term parental leave, which can also make it more difficult to return to work.  Also, a reduction in working hours can impact opportunities for promotion and professional development and often results in a drop in income. Childcare is clearly a valuable means of supporting women's career development without any major interruptions caused by motherhood. 

Employment opportunities for working mothers linked to availability of childcare

The labour market for mothers is closely linked to the availability of childcare, as highlighted by economists Mathieu Lefebvre, Laurène Thil and Laté A. Lawson in their article "An Empirical Assessment of the Drivers of Formal and Informal Childcare Demand in European Countries", published in 2023 in the journal Social Indicators Research.

The scientific literature has already identified the link between women's employment (and career development) and the availability, accessibility and quality of childcare1. Without childcare options which are accessible in terms of working hours or affordability, mothers may be obliged to work part-time, accept less demanding jobs, or even withdraw from the job market entirely. This is to the detriment of their career progression and their personal economic well-being, as well as that of their families. One of the difficulties of researching in this field is comparing situations between different countries, due to discrepancies in cultural, social, and economic conditions.

• 1Connelly R., Kimmel J., 2003, «Marital status and full-time/part-time work status in childcare choices ». Applied Economics, 35 (7), 761–777; Du F., Dong X. Y.,2010, «Women’s labor force participation and childcare choices in urban china during the economic transition ». gender equality and china’s economic transformation: Informal employment and care provision.

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European divisions over childcare choices

In their study of fourteen European countries from 2010 to 20172, the economists distinguish two categories of childcare. The first, known as "formal", includes services provided by professionals who must be paid, such as day-care centers, nurseries and professional childminders. The second, known as "informal", includes care provided by grandparents, relatives, friends or neighbours.

Firstly, a wide diversity was observed between countries in terms of their childcare preferences and practices. In the Nordic countries, where mothers work more on average, they also rely less on grandparents to look after their children. In Finland and Sweden, where grandparents are absent in 99% of households, the use of formal childcare is over 50% for children under 3 and over 80% for children aged 3 and over.  By contrast, in the United Kingdom, where grandparents are also rarely present, formal childcare use is below 50% for all ages of children: most care is given by parents and informal childcare providers.

In Bulgaria and Romania grandparents are present in a greater number of families, which likely explains the more widespread use of informal childcare. In Austria, despite the relative absence of grandparents, the demand for formal childcare for children under the age of 3 is less than 30%. This choice does not seem to be linked to financial constraints as the country has the third-highest average wage among those observed; children of this age are mainly looked after by their parents, at a rate of 57.9%. Mediterranean countries such as France and Spain show a strong tendency towards using formal childcare facilities, for children under 3 as well as those aged 3 and over. In Greece, on the other hand, there is a preference for informal care for children under 3.

• 2Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Greece, Spain, Finland, France, Hungary, Italy, Poland, Romania, Sweden, United Kingdom.

A broad range of mothers' profiles

It would be an easy shortcut to consider women and mothers between and within countries as a homogeneous group, but this is to be avoided; they are a diverse population with many different situations and constraints. Some are wealthier, with a wider social and family support network than others. The findings of this study highlight that childcare decisions depend on the mother's age, level of education, and marital status. The research also shows that a mother’s need for childcare increases with her age, which can be explained by the fact that the number of children tends to increase.

The higher the mother’s level of education, the higher the demand for formal childcare services. Indeed, educated parents tend to opt for a more stimulating, supportive environment for their children that fosters educational and social development from an early age. Notably, the impact of higher educational level can be observed only among mothers who are part of a couple. Marital status also influences the demand for childcare: single mothers must juggle heavy parental responsibilities and are less available for work. It may be necessary for them to turn down a job offer because it doesn’t offer them the flexibility they require to meet their children’s needs, whereas mothers in couples can count on the support of their partners. Indeed, INSEE (National Institute of Statistics and Economic Studies) figures on women's activity show that amongst women aged 25 to 49 with at least one child under 3, the activity rate is 41.7% for single women, compared with 74.9% for women in couples.

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Impacts of household characteristics on childcare decisions

Understanding a family’s childcare choices also requires detailed analysis of the characteristics of each household, including the make-up of the family and the ages of the children.

The results of this research show that child age strongly impacts demand for formal and informal childcare, with significant differences depending on whether the mother is single. Demand for both types of care increases with the presence of younger children (0-2 years and 3-6 years), while households with older children (7-10 years) show decreased demand for informal care, particularly in the case of single mothers. 

In Europe, state education systems generally welcome children from the age of 3, which can reduce the need for childcare. In Bulgaria and Finland, where children have free access to pre-school education from the age of 5 and 6 respectively, the rate of children under 3 being looked after solely by their parents is 80.5% and 63%, the highest rates in Europe. Children’s ages must be considered by countries, as the later they enter the education system, the greater the need for childcare services.

 

Grandparents who are present in or near the household can often take on essential informal childcare responsibilities. In Romania, grandparents are present in 36% of households, and fewer than 20% of children under 3 are cared for by professionals. By contrast, in Sweden and France, where grandparents are absent in 99% and 98% of households respectively, over 50% of children under 3 are looked after by professionals. Intergenerational cohabitation would reduce the need for formal childcare, which would influence the decisions of parents, particularly mothers, in terms of job uptake. It is worth mentioning that within Europe, grandparents' involvement in the care of their grandchildren is often influenced by cultural differences.

On this basis, it is reasonable to suggest that childcare policies and support systems should take all these disparities into account to support mothers' professional development. 

What role does the state play?

For working women to have access to a more inclusive and equitable working environment, the state would need to guarantee provision of childcare services that are better suited to the female labour market. Targeted investment and the development of related policies would make it possible to reinvent women's working lives, particularly for single mothers. 

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The implementation of a policy to promote the employment of single mothers must take into account the issue of childcare. A single mother who wishes to increase her working hours will have an increased need for childcare services. Subsidised childcare is an important factor in removing the financial barrier imposed by childcare costs, particularly for single mothers and low-income families.

Undoubtedly, this is a cost to the government, but working mothers will then contribute to income tax. This is an investment in economic and human terms, as quality childcare contributes to children's development and learning. Political decision-makers are key to promoting employment for mothers: it is their responsibility to develop policies designed to increase the availability of formal childcare services, accessible to all regardless of economic status. Such policies could also include the flexibility of provision to adapt to the needs of working mothers outside of standard childcare hours. It would also be worthwhile to explore the implementation of more generous parental leave. Policies to gradually reintegrate mothers into the labour market, or measures to facilitate women’s transition between working and raising children, could support those who wish to take time off to care for their children and help them avoid compromising their careers. 

Children, especially when very young, can be an obstacle to mothers' professional activities. Promoting women's employability goes hand in hand with boosting the availability of childcare services. A revival of the birth rate, in an egalitarian and equitable way, cannot be done without putting the issue of childcare in the spotlight. 

 

We would like to thank Stessie Ann-Derius for her contribution to this article as part of her internship at the Magistère Economie et Finance.